Ugandan dictator Idi Amin overthrown

Ugandan dictator Idi Amin overthrown

On April 11, 1979, Ugandan dictator Idi Amin flees the Ugandan capital of Kampala as Tanzanian troops and forces of the Uganda National Liberation Front close in. Two days later, Kampala fell and a coalition government of former exiles took power.

Amin, chief of the Ugandan army and air force from 1966, seized control of the African nation in 1971. A tyrant and extreme nationalist, he launched a genocidal program to purge Uganda of its Lango and Acholi ethnic groups. In 1972, he ordered all Asians who had not taken Ugandan nationality to leave the country, and some 60,000 Indians and Pakistanis fled. These Asians comprised an important portion of the work force, and the Ugandan economy collapsed after their departure.

In 1979, his eight years of chaotic rule came to an end when Tanzania and anti-Amin Ugandan forces invaded and toppled his regime. Amin had launched an unsuccessful attack on Tanzania in October 1978 in an effort to divert attention from Uganda’s internal problems. He escaped to Libya, eventually settling in Saudi Arabia, where he died in August 2003. The deaths of 300,000 Ugandans are attributed to Idi Amin.

Idi Amin, the brutal and ruthless dictator who drowned his country with corpses

400 thousand died during his nine years of dictatorial rule. “I want to be remembered as a great boxer,” he said in his last interview, referring to his beginnings as a fighter. Wouldn’t go down in history for that.

the beginning

He came to power in 1971 after a meteorite military march. With a height of 1.95 meters and weight of 110 kg, he is popular as a boxer. Earn the rank of sergeant with fists. He was granted the rank of lieutenant in 1962, when Uganda gained independence from Great Britain, and was awarded the Chief of General Staff in 1966 by the country’s first president, Milton Obote, for his services.

His assault on power

Then the life of parties, excesses and financial scandals begins. Obote tries to push him back, but Amin goes ahead: With a coup that was followed by a purge of unrelated soldiers, he came to power in 1971 with the approval of the West.

radical change

The era of terror begins: his soldiers roam the country plundering cities, raping women and planting gutters with corpses. Its African drift led to the expulsion of Asians in 1972, flooding the economy. West refuses to sell him weapons.

Terror in the family

Not even his women are immune from his brutality. After they disavowed the first, Kai ordered to maim it The third Nora vanishes without a trace.

Their surnames

He calls himself “Great Father” or “President for life”, but what he loves most is the nickname “King of Scotland” for his admiration for the Scottish soldiers he encounters in the British colonial army. In his honor, wears a unit of the Ugandan army Kilt Marching to the beat of a bagpipe, he invites two of his sons, Campbell and Mackenzie.

On April 11, 1979, he was overthrown by the Uganda National Liberation Front. He first sought refuge in Libya, where he traveled to Saudi Arabia, where he died in 2003 at the age of 78.

Appointment to date: October 2, 1975

It was the most surreal moment in his dictatorship. Fourteen men, five of them British, kneeling in front of Amin, were forced to join the Ugandan army and promised to fight the South African regime.

People said that …

After he was ousted, the heads of some of his opponents were found in his refrigerator. This sparked rumors of cannibalism. He reportedly denied this, saying, “I have tasted human meat and it’s too salty.”

Idi Amin

Idi Amin Dada (c. 1925 –ಐ August 2003) was the third president of Uganda, from 1971 to 1979. Amin joined the British colonial regiment, the King's African Rifles in 1946, serving in Somalia, Kenya and Uganda. Eventually, Amin held the rank of major general in the post-colonial Ugandan Army and became its commander before seizing power in the military coup of January 1971, deposing Milton Obote. He later promoted himself to field marshal while he was the head of state.

Amin's rule was characterised by human rights abuse, political repression, ethnic persecution, extrajudicial killings, nepotism, corruption, and gross economic mismanagement. The number of people killed as a result of his regime is estimated by international observers and human rights groups to range from 100,000 [ 1 ] to 500,000. [ 2 ]

During his years in power, Amin shifted in allegiance from being a pro-Western ruler enjoying considerable Israeli support to being backed by Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, the Soviet Union, and East Germany. [ 3 ] [ 4 ] [ 5 ] In 1975, Amin became the chairman of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), a Pan-Africanist group designed to promote solidarity of the African states. [ 6 ] During the 1977–1979 period, Uganda was a member of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. [ 7 ] In 1977, when Britain broke diplomatic relations with Uganda, Amin declared he had defeated the British and added "CBE", for "Conqueror of the British Empire", to his title. Radio Uganda then announced his entire title: "his Excellency President for Life, Field Marshal Alhaji Dr. Idi Amin Dada, VC, DSO, MC, CBE". [ 2 ]

Dissent within Uganda and Amin's attempt to annex the Kagera province of Tanzania in 1978 led to the Uganda–Tanzania War and the demise of his eight-year regime, leading Amin to flee into exile to Libya and Saudi Arabia, where he lived until his death on 16 August 2003.
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Rise in the military and the Coup of January 1971

Idi Amin rose steadily through the ranks and in 1959, he attained the rank of effendi. In 1966, he was promoted to commander of the Ugandan Army. Uganda was by then an independent nation, after gaining its freedom on October 9, 1962.

Idi had by this time formed a very close work relationship with Milton Obote, who was Ugandan’s first prime minister. Obote helped Idi Amin get new recruits and equipment into the Ugandan Army.

As one of Obote’s trusted military men, Idi Amin was the obvious choice when it came to suppressing the rebellion by Buganda people in south-central Uganda. Amin is believed to have brutally crushed the rebellion. His use of excessive force claimed the lives of many Buganda people, including women and children. Such was his fierceness of General Amin’s force against the Buganda that the king of Baganda had to flee the country.

Towards the late 1960s, Obote had started growing very suspicious of Amin. Fearing that he Amin was eyeing his seat, Obote arrested Amin just before he left for a Commonwealth Heads of State meeting in Singapore.

Amin capitalized on the army contacts he had made over the decade and staged a coup d’état on January 25, 1971. The Obote government was overthrown and Amin became Uganda’s first military ruler.

Idi Amin quotes | Some bone-chilling words from dictator Idi Amin

Idi Amin – Ugandan Dictator

In 1925, Idi Amin Dada was born in Koboko, Uganda, to a Lugbara mother and Kakwa father, who separated shortly afterwards. After receiving only a basic education, Idi Amin joined the King’s African Rifles (KAR) in 1946, a British Colonial Army’s regiment, and swiftly rose through the ranks. In 1949, he was positioned in Somalia to battle the Shifta rebels and later fought with the British during the subduing of the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya (1952-56). He earned the rank of effendi in 1959 – the highest position within the KAR for a black African soldier – and he had been appointed commander of the armed forces by 1966.

Idi Amin Seizes Control of the Ugandan Government

After over 70 years under British rule, Uganda became independent on October 9, 1962, and Milton Obote became Uganda’s first prime minister. Obote had formed an alliance, by 1964, with Idi Amin, who had assisted in the expansion of the size and power of the Ugandan Army. In February 1966, after accusations that the two were responsible for smuggling ivory and gold from Congo that were then traded for arms, Obote suspended the constitution and declared himself executive president. Not long afterwards, Obote sent Idi Amin to dethrone King Mutesa II, who ruled the powerful Baganda kingdom in south-central Uganda.

Some years and two failed assassination attempts later, Obote started to question Idi Amin’s loyalty and demanded his arrest while en route for a Commonwealth Heads of Government Conference to Singapore. Idi Amin took the offensive during his absence and on January 25, 1971 staged a coup, seizing control of the Ugandan government and forcing Milton Obote into exile.

Idi Amin: Regime of Terror

Once in power, Idi Amin started mass executions upon the Lango and Acholi, Obote’s loyal Christian tribes and therefore seen as a threat. He also started terrorizing the general public through several internal security forces he organized, such as the Public Safety Unity (PSU) and the State Research Bureau (SRB), whose major purpose was to remove those who opposed his regime.

Idi Amin expelled Uganda’s Asian population in 1972, which numbered between 50,000 and 70,000, leading to a collapse of the economy as commerce, agriculture and manufacturing came to a halt in the absence of appropriate resources to support them.

After the hijacking of an Air France flight from Israel to Paris on June 27, 1976 by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Idi Amin welcomed the terrorists and provided them with weapons and troops, but was humiliated when Israeli commandos then rescued the hostages at Entebbe airport in a surprise raid. Idi Amin ordered the execution, in the aftermath, of many airport personnel, hundreds of Kenyans whom were thought to have conspired with Israel and an elderly British hostage who had been escorted to a hospital nearby.

Idi Amin was estimated to have been accountable for the deaths of about 300,000 civilians throughout his oppressive rule.

Idi Amin Loses Control and Goes Into Exile

The number of Idi Amin’s intimate allies dwindled over time and previously loyal troops started to mutiny. When a number of them fled across the border into Tanzania, Idi Amin accused the Tanzanian president – Julius Nyerere – inciting the unrest and retaliated by seizing the Kagera Salient in November 1978. Nyerere launch a counter-offensive to recapture the land two weeks later, and pushed the Ugandan Army out with the assistance of Ugandan exiles. The battle thundered into Uganda and Idi Amin was forced to flee Kampala when captured on April 11, 1979. Although he initially sought refuge in Libya, he then moved to Saudi Arabia where he lived out the rest of his days comfortably until his death caused by multiple organ failure in 2003.

Between Osibajo, Afe Babalola, MKO And Aare Ona Kakanfo

Professor Yemi Osinbajo was then a Special Assistant to the Attorney General of the Federation.

That was the year Oba Yesufu Oloyede Asanike, Olubadan of Ibadan made history. Olubadan installed Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola as the Bashorun of Ibadan. It was a prestigious title befitting of a distinguished personality in the mould of MKO Abiola.

That was the title of the legendary Bashorun Oluyole who was the paramount chief of Ibadan in 1850. It was also the title of Bashorun Ogunmola who reigned between 1865 and 1867. It was therefore historic that exactly 120 years after the death of Ogunmola, MKO Abiola became the fourth person to be conferred with the prestigious title.

It was indeed a befitting honour for someone who had amassed chieftaincy titles from almost every town in Nigeria. As of the time of his installation in 1987, MKO Abiola was reputed to have over 150 chieftaincy titles. He was the Bobajiro of Ode-Remo. He was the Bada Musulumi of Gbagura Egba.

As he drove out of the palace of Oba Asanike that fateful day with his son by his side, MKO must have thought that he had reached the peak of traditional chieftaincy in Nigeria.

He was just settling down in his Ikeja home when he was informed that he had a call. Who was on the line? He asked before collecting the phone. It was the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III.

MKO snatched the phone. “Iku Baba Yeye, Igbakeji Orisa! Kabiyesi!” The newly installed Bashorun paid his homage to the foremost traditional ruler. Alaafin must be calling to congratulate me, MKO thought. Kabiyesi was however not calling to congratulate the business magnate.

“We have decided that you are to be conferred with the title of Aare Ona Kakanfo!” Kabiyesi informed him.

The phone nearly dropped from the hand of Bashorun. Aare Ona Kakanfo! The Generalissimo of Yoruba race! The Field Marshall for all descendants of Oduduwa! The portfolio held by Afonja, the founder of Ilorin! The title of Aare Obadoke Latosa of Ibadan – the scourge of Efunsetan Aniwura! The position held by the last premier of Western Region, Ladoke Akintola of Ogbomoso!

For a single person to be Bashorun and Aare was unheard of. It was the ultimate! Traditionally, Bashorun is the Prime Minister. Aare is the Field Marshall. When Bashorun Gaa moved against Alaafin Abiodun around 1770, it was Oyalabi from Ajase (now Republic of Benin), the Aare Ona Kakanfo that came to the powerful monarch’s rescue. Now, Abiola was going to be both the Prime Minister and the Field Marshall!

Alaafin had spoken. MKO Abiola had no choice. The news spread like wildfire. Congratulatory messages poured in from all over the globe. Aare Ona Kakanfo was not just another title. It was the title. It was the father of all traditional titles. Father ke? No, it was the Grandfather of All Titles. If it were to be a national honour, it would be the equivalent of the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic!

Everybody in and outside Yorubaland was ecstatic at the choice of Abiola as the 14th Aare Ona Kakanfo. Well, almost everybody.

It happened that the Ashipa of Oyo, Chief Amuda Olorunosebi was not pleased with the choice of Bashorun MKO Abiola as the Aare. Ashipa was one of the prominent chiefs of Alaafin. He objected to the choice of the flamboyant publisher, an Egba man, as Aare Ona Kakanfo. He went to Kabiyesi to protest. Iku Baba Yeye was adamant that MKO was eminently qualified to be the Aare Ona Kakanfo.

The Ashipa went back to his quarters at Isale Oyo. As MKO Abiola and the Alaafin were preparing for the installation of Bashorun, Chief Amuda was consulting with his lawyers. This was however unknown to the Alaafin. It was assumed that the Ashipa had been convinced to support Abiola’s candidacy.

Abiola was no ordinary person by any standard. He was larger than life. He was flamboyance personified. He was determined to make the chieftaincy installation as grand as possible. He invited all his contacts from all over the world. All the military governors were invited. A special invitation was delivered to the President, Ibrahim Babangida, who was a close friend of the Bashorun. African Heads of States cleared their schedules in order to honour MKO. Nigerian Embassies were issuing visas on daily basis. It was going to be a grand occasion.

Then the unthinkable happened! It started as a rumour. It was days to the installation.

‘Eti Oba nile, eti Oba l’oko, eniyan lo n je be.’ – The ear of a king is everywhere. Iku Baba Yeye was in his palace when he heard from the grapevine that a case had been filed to stop the occasion! “Ewo! Sango o ni je! Abiodun o ni je! Aole o ni je!” Kabiyesi went on to invoke the names of his predecessors on the royal throne of Alaafin!

It was around noon when the phone rang in Ibadan. It was from the Palace, Oyo Alaafin. Chief Afe Babalola, the famous legal practitioner, picked the phone. After exchange of homage and royal blessings, Alaafin informed Afiwajoye of Ado Ekiti that Ashipa had filed a suit against the installation of MKO Abiola. Not only that, a motion ex parte for interim injunction had also been filed. It was apparent that Ashipa was not ready to gamble with his chance.

Though Kabiyesi did not say it, Chief Afe knew the urgency involved. Installation was on Saturday. The call came in on Tuesday.

Less than thirty minutes after the call, Chief Afe was almost at Oyo. The legendary lawyer covered the 57 kilometres between Oyo and Ibadan as if he was on a chariot. He proceeded to court where he met the court registrar. Of course, the registrar knew Chief Babalola. It is doubtful if there is anyone in the Judiciary who does not know the Mayegun of Modakeke. Mayegun paid the requisite fees and conducted a search of the court’s file. It was there! Alaafin’s information was correct!

Iduro ko si, ìbèreè ko si fun eni ti o gbe odó mi – A person who swallows a pestle can neither stand nor sit comfortably. Installation was on Saturday. The search was conducted on Tuesday! The motion ex parte was to be heard the following day, Wednesday.

Time was of the essence! Chief Afe turned his car around, off to Emmanuel Chambers, Ibadan. Before the car reached Fiditi, he had mentally finished composing the processes. He was nodding as the cases and other relevant authorities began to surface in his mind.

By the time he reached his office, the mental process was complete. In a minute the Counter-Affidavit was ready. There was no need for a Written Address. Professor Yemi Osinbajo was then a Special Assistant to the Attorney General of the Federation. It would be years later before he introduced Written Address as the Lagos State Attorney General. The counter-affidavit was filed and served on counsel to the Ashipa.

On Wednesday, the court was full. Chief M. L. Lagunju, Ashipa’s counsel was in court. He adjusted his wig and checked his books. He smiled. It was a Motion Exparte. It won’t be contested. He checked his time. Then there was some commotion at the entrance of the court.

Chief Lagunju blinked! He blinked again! Walking in majestically was the Afiwajoye of Ado-Ekiti, the Balogun of Mobaland, the Mayegun of Modakeke, Chief Afe Babalola in flesh! He was followed by a host of other lawyers, each armed with bags of legal authorities enough to open a law library. Chief Lagunju didn’t know when he said: “The game is up!”

On the dot of 9 O’clock, the Court began sitting. The trial judge was a royalty himself. Justice Aderemi’s father was the late Ooni of Ife, Oba Sir Tadenikawo Adesoji Aderemi, the first Governor of Western Region. The case was called.

The plaintiff’s counsel sought to move his application. The learned counsel informed the court that it was an ex parte application and therefore the other party had no right of audience.

His Lordship turned to Chief Afe Babalola. The court was as silent as a ghost town. Young lawyers craned their necks to hear what the Legend was going to say. They have been taught in law school that Ex Parte Motion was for only one party. Some of them must have been wondering what magic the Mayegun of Modakeke was going to perform.

Chief Afe Babalola brought out the White Book. Oh! Sorry, you don’t know the White Book? The White Book is an important book for lawyers. It contains the sources of law relating to the practice and procedures of the High Court. Ask your lawyer friend to show you a copy. He won’t charge you, unless you open it.

The Legal Colossus was on his feet. He was vibrating like a trumpet, but his voice was as soft as velvet. He began to reel out authorities after authorities to the effect that a defendant who became aware, anyhow, that a party had gone to court and was about to obtain an order ex-parte that would affect him, had a right to appear in court and to insist on being heard.

His Lordship – a brilliant Judge from the Source of Yoruba Race – was nodding as he scribbled down the authorities being cited by the Legendary Advocate. His Lordship was not the only one writing. Most lawyers in court were writing furiously. One old man turned to his friend and whispered: “I don’t mind selling my house, Mufu, my son must become a lawyer like this man. Look at the way he is speaking English as if he is chanting oriki Sango!”

“There is merit in the case of the Defendants. I agree with Chief Afe Babalola, the Defendants deserve to be given the right to be heard. Case is hereby adjourned to tomorrow for arguments on the Motion on Notice.” His Lordship rose.

It is doubtful if the parties involved in the case slept that night. Whilst the lawyers checked and re-checked the authorities, the litigants were in anxiety mode. Chief MKO Abiola’s invited guests had started arriving from their various bases. Musicians engaged for entertainment had begun to set up their instruments in Oyo and Ikeja. Caterers had booked all the cows in Ilorin, Oyo and Ibadan. Local drummers had cancelled all engagements. The royal poet, Lanrewaju Adepoju had finished composing his masterpiece. All roads led to Oyo Alaafin.

If the court was filled to the brim on Wednesday, it was spilling over on Thursday. Litigants, journalists, lawyers, in fact everybody was in court that day. Chief Lagunju stood up. The learned counsel knew what was at stake. He argued his application expertly. He guessed the likely issues that Chief Afe would raise. He addressed each comprehensively. It was advocacy at its best.

Then the Balogun of Mobaland stood up. Like a surgeon, Chief Afe surgically cut through the issues deftly. He was not going to take any prisoner. After cutting through the issues, the authorities followed. From Halsbury’s Law of England to Commonwealth Law Reports, from decisions of House of Lords to decisions of Court of Appeal, from WACA to White Book, and then finally to the Supreme Court. The authorities were flowing like water from Asejire Dam. There was no stopping the deluge.

“In the light of the copious authorities cited by the learned counsel for the plaintiff and the defendants, the Court will be adjourning to…” There was pin-drop silence in Court. The installation was only two days away. “… Friday” Ha! Palpable relief went through the court.

On Friday, Chief Afe Babalola’s phone began to ring from dawn. “Chief, E ma lo gba ruling yin l’Oyo loni o. Please send your junior o.” Clients, friends and well wishers who witnessed or heard of the tension soaked session in court on Thursday were justifiably apprehensive. But Chief Afe was not the Balogun of Mobaland for nothing. A General must not be afraid of the warfront. Off to Oyo.

Chief Afe had hardly left Ibadan when he started seeing policemen at strategic junctions on the road to Oyo. As they approached Fiditi, the number of policemen increased. By the time they got to Jobele, it was as if the Police College had moved its campus there. In the forest, on top of trees, in the bushes, and on top of buildings, the police were everywhere.

The Courtroom itself was no exception. More than fifty police officers joined lawyers and litigants in the courtroom. If you were not wearing a wig and you were not a party to the case, you would have to stay outside.

Justice Aderemi went straight to the business of the day. “RULING” His Lordship began. Time stood still as His Lordship went on to review the facts of the application and the authorities cited by the counsel for the parties. “In the final analysis…” Counsel and cops in the court became tense.

“This application fails and is hereby dismissed.”

As if by telepathy, the crowd outside heard the ruling immediately! Shouts of joy erupted. Drummers who must have been hiding theirgangan drums under their agbada sprang out.Sekere came out. Agogo was not to be left behind. Chief Afe Babalola was pulled out of his car, The Balogun was placed squarely on the roof of the car. Women danced, men jumped. I’m not sure but one of the songs on that day must have been “Ajekun Iya ni o je”. I have to confirm this from Chief. May God preserve his life.

Alaafin was waiting in the Palace with his Council Members. For a moment, the Sango of our time, Iku Baba Yeye was close to tears. It was an emotional moment. MKO Abiola was called. The Bashorun shouted: “Allahu Akbar! Alhamdulillah.”

On Saturday, January 14, 1988, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III installed Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Abiola as the 14th Aare Ona Kakanfo. The famous Yoruba Poet, Lanrewaju Moshood Adepoju was then called to the podium. In his deep and flawless Yoruba, Adepoju movingly rendered traditional poetry tracing the history of the title and the qualities of the new Aare Ona Kakanfo.

It was indeed a glorious day for the husband of Simbiat Atinuke.

In recognition of his service to the Crown and the Law, Alaafin later conferred Chief Afe Babalola with the prestigious title of Aare Bamofin of Oyo Empire.

In 1978, in an attempt to divert attention from the mess he had created, Amin invaded northern Tanzania with what was left of his unpaid army. Tanzanian troops, aided by Milton Obote and his followers (The Ugandan National Liberation Army), held off the invasion and crossed the border into Uganda occupying Kampala in 1979. Idi Amin fled to exile in Saudi Arabia. At first Obote's Army was greeted as liberators. Unfortunately, in short order, the army and the underpaid Tanzanian troops resorted to intimidating the population and pillaging the countryside. Once again, Uganda disintegrated into chaos.

Obote regained power through a fraudulent election and his rule of 4 years was as or more brutal than Amin's. He created a police state dominated by factions in the north and persecuted regions and people favored by his predecessor.

40 years After Amin's Overthrow, Has Uganda learnt Anything?

Today marks 40 years since General, Idi Amin Dada, the former president of Uganda was overthrown from government. General Amin took over government after overthrowing President, Apolo Milton Obote in January 1971.

General Amin left a contentious and conflicted legacy with many calling him a villain while some remember him as a nationalist. Many who lived through Amin’s regime from 1971 to 1979 describe him as a ruthless dictator whose leadership was characterized by terror, massacres and lawlessness.

At the height of his reign, Amin expelled 40,000 Asians from Uganda when he gave them ninety days to leave the country. His critics claim that an estimated 500,000 people were killed during his reign.

However, those who didn’t witness Amin’s brutality, say he was a nation builder who put the interests of Ugandans first. They claim that Amin set up an all-inclusive cabinet, ensured balanced development across the country and stood for Africans.

Amin, who declared himself President for Life, King of Scotland and conqueror of the British Empire was seen as a nationalist who freed Ugandans from Asian dominance and nationalized foreign companies.

His eight year rule came to an end in 1979 when Ugandan exiles backed by the Tanzanian army attacked Kampala. Amin fled to exile in Libya and later Saudi Arabia, where he lived until his death in August 2003.

40 years after his overthrow, some Ugandans think Amin left a big lesson for Uganda.

Nathan Irumba is a retired diplomat who served in five Governments and as a Special Assistant to Sam Odaka, former Foreign Minister in Obote's government.

He says Amin was a conspiracy of foreign forces that encouraged him to stage a coup against Obote who had made a lot of mistakes.

Irumba says Amin’s reign marked the beginning of political murders in Uganda first by targeting Langi and Acholi officers who were seen as a threat to his government.

He says one thing Uganda can learn from Amin is that the rights of citizens must be respected and that the law of the land should be supreme.

Irumba says Amin was misled by his confidants who only told him what he wanted to hear.

In terms of development, Irumba says Amin retarded Uganda’s progress since he killed the ethos of civil service.

According to Irumba, the same thing is happening in today’s leadership where systems are dying and civil servants first imagine what the president wants.

He however, says Amin ruled by decree compared to today where courts, parliament and constitution are in place.

Professor Ndebesa Mwambutsya, a history lecturers at Makerere University, says Uganda has forgotten Amin’s history and might repeat the same mistakes.

He says the State Research Bureau where many Ugandans were killed was transformed into the headquarters of the Internal Security Organization, which is unfortunate.

He says this makes it seem like a continuity of the past brutality.

Mwambutsya says the place should have been turned into a monument as opposed to being transformed into an office for another security agency.

//Cue in: “Unfortunately in Uganda…

According to Mwambutsya, despite the fact that there is great improvement compared to Amin’s regime, all isn’t well.

Sanjiv Patel is a Ugandan of Indian descent whose family was among those expelled and lost a lot of property.

He says the world concentrated on the expulsion of Asians and didn’t portray the death of many Ugandans.

Patel urges the new generation of Ugandans to learn from the expulsion of Asians and understand the fact that people should coexist.

He says bad leadership breeds rebellion as seen in different parts of the world. According to Patel, Uganda is free today compared to Amin's regime.

Dr. Rajni Taylor, an ex- minister in Buganda Kingdom and Ugandan of Indian origin, says Amin did bad to expel Asians and give Ugandans their businesses when they were not ready.

He says this sank the economy and neither benefited the citizens not the economy.

Cue out. Amin has continued”//

The Former Ethics Minister, James Nsaba Buturo says isolation and insecurity are part of the things that can lead to the Amin like era.

//Cue in “So insecurity which…

Sarah Opendi, the State Minister General Duties, says Amin targeted particular tribes in the country, something that isn’t with the current Government.

Cue out: affect your judgement”//

Kassiano Wadri, the Arua Municipality MP, says Amin left the country without debt, adding that even Uganda Airlines and entire transport system was working.

Jaffar Amin, the first son of Amin, says his father’s legacy is misrepresented in different narratives by the western world. He says Amin gave back the country to Ugandans by dealing away with imperialism.

He says Amin empowered Ugandans and Africans despite the controversies that marred his leadership.

//Cue in: “That negativity is…

Cue out:…the person himself”//

He says under Amin, Uganda was blossoming.

Cue out:…from these produces”//

Jaffar Amin says that he hopes he will try and reconcile with the people that were affected by his father’s leadership.

40 years after Amin’s overthrow, has Uganda learnt anything?

Kampala, Uganda | THE INDEPENDENT | Today marks 40 years since General, Idi Amin Dada, the former president of Uganda was overthrown from government. General Amin took over government after overthrowing President, Apolo Milton Obote in January 1971.

General Amin left a contentious and conflicted legacy with many calling him a villain while some remember him as a nationalist. Many who lived through Amin’s regime from 1971 to 1979 describe him as a ruthless dictator whose leadership was characterized by terror, massacres and lawlessness.

At the height of his reign, Amin expelled 40,000 Asians from Uganda when he gave them ninety days to leave the country. His critics claim that an estimated 500,000 people were killed during his reign.

However, those who didn’t witness Amin’s brutality, say he was a nation builder who put the interests of Ugandans first. They claim that Amin set up an all-inclusive cabinet, ensured balanced development across the country and stood for Africans.

Amin, who declared himself President for Life, King of Scotland and conqueror of the British Empire was seen as a nationalist who freed Ugandans from Asian dominance and nationalized foreign companies.

His eight year rule came to an end in 1979 when Ugandan exiles backed by the Tanzanian army attacked Kampala. Amin fled to exile in Libya and later Saudi Arabia, where he lived until his death in August 2003.

40 years after his overthrow, some Ugandans think Amin left a big lesson for Uganda.

Nathan Irumba is a retired diplomat who served in five Governments and as a Special Assistant to Sam Odaka, former Foreign Minister in Obote’s government.

Ugandan dictator Idi Amin overthrown - HISTORY


Dictator Idi Amin dies Saturday, 16 August, 2003

Former Ugandan dictator Idi Amin has died of multiple organ failure in hospital in Saudi Arabia.

Amin, who was variously described as 78 or 80 years old, had been in a coma at King Faisal Specialist Hospital in the Red Sea port city of Jeddah since 18 July.

He was forced from power in Uganda in 1979 by Tanzanian troops and Ugandan exiles, after one of the bloodiest rules in African history.

1971: Amin seizes power in coup

1972: Expels Ugandan Asians

1976: Israel frees hostages in raid on Entebbe

1979: Amin ousted by Tanzanian troops and Ugandan exiles

Human rights groups and Ugandan government officials have expressed disappointment that Amin never faced trial for his alleged crimes.

Up to 400,000 people are believed to have been killed under his rule.

Amin's family recently appealed to the Ugandan Government to allow him return home.

But President Yoweri Museveni said that Amin would face charges of human rights abuses if he returned to Uganda alive.

His body will be allowed back to Uganda for burial if the family want it, the government says.

The Associated Press news agency quoted one of Amin's sons, Ali Amin Ramadhan, as saying he was "very sad and confused" at the news of his father's death.

The son of a self-proclaimed sorceress, Amin had little formal education and joined Uganda's British-led colonial army as a young man.

He was a brutal dictator yet a very remarkable man

Manzoor Moghul, Ugandan Evacuees Association

Amin was appointed head of the army and navy under President Milton Obote in 1966, but overthrew Mr Obote five years later and declared himself president for life.

The eight-year rule which followed was characterised by bizarre and brutal behaviour.

A convert to Islam, Amin took five wives, fathered dozens of children and insisted on being called "Big Daddy".

In 1972 he expelled the entire Asian population of Uganda, blaming them for controlling the economy for their own ends.

Manzoor Moghul, one of tens of thousands of Asians expelled by Amin, told BBC News that in the long-run this benefited many because they settled so well in Britain.

"Ugandan Asians have no reason to grieve at his death but at the same time have no reason to celebrate or be jubilant," he said.

"He was a brutal dictator yet a very remarkable man."

He was a byword for cruelty, during his reign hundreds of thousands of people were killed

Amin murdered hundreds of thousands of real and perceived opponents during his rule, reportedly feasting on the bodies of some of his victims and throwing corpses to crocodiles.

Ugandan presidential adviser John Nagenda told BBC World that it would have been a "good thing" to have put him on trial, but that many Ugandans who suffered through his rule would have a feeling of closure with his death.

George Ngwa, a spokesman for Amnesty International said Amin's death was "a sad comment on the international community's inability to hold leaders accountable for gross human rights abuses".

The UK Anglican Bishop of Birmingham, the Right Reverend Dr John Sentamu, who was beaten up on Amin's orders before fleeing Uganda in 1974, said the former dictator should have been extradited to Uganda to ask his victims for forgiveness.

As Amin consolidated his rule, Uganda plunged into economic chaos as a result of mass expulsions, gross mismanagement and rampant corruption.

The United States cut off aid to Uganda in 1972 in protest at Amin's policies, which former US President Jimmy Carter said "disgusted the entire civilised world".

In 1976, Amin apparently colluded with a Palestinian group which hijacked an Air France jet and held its Israeli passengers hostage at Entebbe Airport.

Israeli commandos rescued all but one of the hostages in a daring raid under the cover of darkness and flew them back to Israel.

Amin repeatedly sent his troops to invade neighbouring Tanzania, and in 1979, Tanzanian troops and Ugandan exiles counter-attacked, sending Amin into exile.

Amin fled to Libya, then Iraq, before finally settling in Saudi Arabia, where he was allowed to remain provided he stayed out of politics.

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